The Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo (signed Feb. 2, 1848) ended the Mexican–American War. Under its terms Mexico ceded roughly 525,000 square miles to the United States; the U.S. paid $15 million and assumed certain claims. The treaty set the new U.S.–Mexico border (recognizing the Rio Grande as Texas’s southern border) and included provisions on property and civil rights for Mexicans in the ceded territory.
“Manifest Destiny” was a mid-19th‑century U.S. belief that American expansion across the North American continent was justified and inevitable. It shaped policy by providing ideological cover for annexations and territorial expansion (e.g., Texas annexation, the Oregon settlement, and pressure that led to the Mexican–American War and the Mexican Cession).
The Mexican Cession included territory that became all or parts of present‑day California, Nevada, Utah, most of Arizona and New Mexico, and portions of Colorado, Wyoming, Kansas and Oklahoma (Congressional and archival descriptions vary by phrasing, but major sources list CA, NV, UT, AZ, NM and parts of CO, WY, KS, OK).
In recent administration statements and Pentagon announcements, “narco‑terrorist networks” is used to describe transnational drug‑trafficking organizations whose activities the administration portrays as violent, corrupting, and posing security threats; evidence cited publicly has included U.S. strikes/interdictions, seizures, and the launch of operations such as “Operation Southern Spear” led by U.S. Southern Command and a Joint Task Force. Independent, detailed public evidence of full dismantling (organizational collapse) is limited in public releases; officials point to strikes, interdictions, and seizures as indicators of progress.
The administration’s public claim that it “stopped a hostile foreign power from controlling the Panama Canal” is tied in official releases and press statements to actions the U.S. says prevented foreign influence or control (citing diplomatic, intelligence, and military measures). Specific publicly disclosed actions include increased U.S. naval/maritime presence, diplomatic pressure and coordination with Panama, and security operations—however, there is no single declassified document publicly showing an attempted transfer of canal control to a hostile power that was formally stopped; most accounts are framed as preventive posture and security cooperation with Panamanian authorities.
The White House statement references trade ‘‘deals’’ with El Salvador, Argentina, Ecuador and Guatemala to increase market access. Publicly available documents show the administration has announced bilateral trade or trade‑related initiatives and negotiations with some of those countries (timing and content vary by country), but full text implementing trade agreements or congressional notifications for all four were not uniformly published in a single package; specific measures cited publicly include market‑access initiatives and memoranda of understanding rather than completed, formal FTAs for each country.